Open forum, vol. 2, no. 18 (May, 1925)

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Facts are the Skeleton of Truth


~ THE OPEN FORUM


Q; Q


LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA, MAY 2, 1925


The Issue In This Campaign


By J. H. Ryckman


We find ourselves on the eve of the most important


municipal election in the history of Los Angeles.


It is important not only because a new city charter


is to be tried out and unprecedented vice conditions


prevail and a great harbor is to be developed, but


because we have reached a critical point in the ex-


periment this city hag been working out with great


success in municipal ownership of water, light, heat


and power.


The next mayor of this city will be either Mayor


Gryer or Judge Bledsoe. Both are able, honest and


incorruptible, if judged by the records they have


made as citizens and public officers. Let us assume


that either will equally well try out the new charter,


hold crime in check and honestly administer the har-


bor. But what about the remaining problem-light,


power and water?


That is the supreme issue in this campaign. Here


two warring philosophies meet face to face-out and


out public ownership, operation and control of public


utilities, as for example, the post office and the Pana-


ma Canal by the United States, and water, light and


power by the City of Los Angeles, or private owner-


ship, operation and control by private enterprise


under government supervision. These two principles


are forever in irrepressible conflict. They cannot sur-


vive side by side. They are now hanging in the


balance in the United States. Which is to triumph?


Los Angeles igs the key city in the struggle. The


eyes of the world are turned toward us because


here municipal, ownership, operation and control of


certain public utilities hag been an outstanding, suc-


cess. By a gigantic engineering feat thought out


by William Mulholland and his


efficient staff, now all supporting Mayor Cryer, water


has been brought 250 miles over gorges and canyons


and rugged mountains, without which this beautiful


city of 1,200,000 people could not have been. Then


in spite of seemingly insuperable obstacles inter-


posed by the forces now back of Judge Bledsoe, a


modicum of heat, light and power has come to be


Owned by the city, likewise scoring a great success


and placing Los Angeles in the front rank among the


sreat cities of the world in municipal enterprise.


The last audit of the books of our Bureau of Power


and Light show a net profit for the year ending June


30, 1924, of $3,051,806, out of gross receipts of $9,-


802,092


and accomplished


" after deducting therefrom the items of opera-


ting expense, maintenance cost, depreciation and


Interest on bonds. Murthermore, we enjoy the lowest


rates of any large city in the United States.


Is Log Angeles, the cynosure of the eyes of the


world, to he longer heralded as a fine exemplifica-


tion of the principle of public ownership vs. private


Ownership? Not if Judge Bledsoe and Harry Chand-


Com, theySouthern Pacific and the Chamber of


Tce can help it. It is often asked by the


ee sticated why Judge Bldesoe should resign a


He position On the Federal Bench worth a minimum


of $7500 per year life to become mayor of


Angeles for four years at $10,000 per. The answer


fl ane pidge Bledsoe ig the only man in this city


Ing the ghost of a Mayor Cryer.


i elected he j four and


0 whom will


millions. If


one


for Los


is easy,


chance to beat


8 taken care of


the Snemies of public


Serve he wil] be worth


defeated he will be put


or more power


Make $7509


Derplexea bec


anc rung for


for


ownership


uncomputed


on the legal


corporations at a that


look like 30 don't


auUSe a federal judge resigns just now


mayor of Los Angeles.


years,


he


staff of


will


be


salary


cents. Please


| charge '


itn Vee "ge that there is a nationwide conspiracy


Al a : : :


W and fo} some time past to discredit the


principle


this cent Of public Ownership of public utilities in


cuntry and that' Harry Chandler and the well


known men back of him are part of that conspiracy


and that Judge Bledsoe has been chosen by them


as the most eligible person with whom to attempt the


first breach in the ramparts of public ownership.


All our natural resources, coal, iron, copper, oil, lum-


ber, land, much water power have passed into the


hands of private ownership. Some Giant Power, like


Muscle Shoals, the Colorado, the Columbia remains.


The fight at Washington recently over Muscle


Shoals disclosed the contending forces and the lines


of contest. On one side the General Hlectric, the


Southern California HMdison and their allied interests


seeking to have Muscle Shoals turned over to them,


and if it had not been for the heroic fight made by


Senator Norris, backed by Senators Johnson, Howell,


Couzens, Ladd, Frazier, LaFollette, Shipstead and


the rest, the effort might have succeeded. When


Congress meets again the effort may succeed. Cool-


idge and his cabinet are opposed to public ownership


and are now lending all possible aid to discrediting


the principle.


Recently there was issued at Washington a broad-


side by the Smithsonian Institution attacking the


Hydro-Electric Power System of Ontario. This


broadside, sponsored by our government and circu-


lated in cooperation with the Nation's Business,


organ of the U. S. Chamber of Commerce with which


the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce is affiliated,


with the New England Bureau of Public Service In-


formation and the Illinois Committee of Public Utility


Information-all agents of power companies-is a


tissue of lies, exaggeration, misrepresentations, false


and misleading inference, unfounded and


gross perversion of facts. The Canadian Government


has felt impelled to publish a refutation of this foul


attack upon a governmental department of a friendly


people. This refutation is by Sir Adam Beck, head


of the Hydro-Hlectric Power Commission of Ontario


and well known Southern California. Sir


Adam Beck cannot understand how our government


criticism


here in


can be guilty of such a gross breach of international


amity as to lend itself to such a milignant and men-


dacious attack upon the beneficent


ever undertaken by a great people for the promotion


of their own welfare and happiness.


most enterprise


The Smithsonian


Institution is an agency of our


government, endowed by an WBnglishman named


Smithson to promote science. Its members are the


President and his Cabinet, the vice-president and the


Chief Justice. Sir Adam Beck is so old-fashioned


that he cannot understand how our government can


sanction and circulate


false and exaggerated state-


ments concerning a branch of the Government of


a.friendly neighboring state. A close-up of the


men at Washington would enlighten him. They are


all sincere and honest men, but like Judge Bledsoe


and Harry Chandler, they think public ownership is


a kind of bolshevism, just as the Tories of Canada


who fought Hydro-Hlectric for Ontario called it bol-


and bolshevism makes the blood of stand-


patters run cold, Catch one of them in an alley after


night-fall and shout Soviet at him and he will drop


dead,


shevism


Sir Adam Beck shows the Ontario Giant Power


project represents an investment of $250,000,000, sup-


plying over 880 municipalities with


energy at from 1/5 tol/10 of the


this country by government-regulated public utili-


Notwithstanding these low rates the Power


Commission has collected about $7,000,000 in excess


of and the cities retailing to consumers about


$15,500,000 in excess of cost to them. Thus the con-


sumers are freed for all time from the necessity of


paying profits to private capitalists. Can the plund-


er-bund of the United States permit such a splendid


hydro-electric


rates charged in


ties.


cost


demonstration of public ownership in Canada to poi-


son. the minds of the American people and inoculate


them with bolshevism? Banish the thought. Shall


Los Angeles be a party to socializing the Colorado


river with another example of successful public own-


ership? Let the voters answer.


Mayor Cryer stands 4-square for the Swing-John-


son Bill, which means a 605 feet high dam at Boulder,


built, operated and controlled by the United States


to furnish at cost as in Canada water and Giant


Power to all the people so situated to be served. It


means also an all-American canal which will bring


under cultivation 500,000 acres in California now


without water. Judge Bledsoe says he favors "Boulder


Dam or some similiar project to be carried out pref-


erably under government ownership or supervision."


Ah, there's the rub. We don't want "supervision."


The Edison Co. is now offering to build a high dam


at Boulder under "Government supervision.' The


Hdison Co. knows the "government''-it's Coolidge,


Dawes and Weeks and Wilbur-all deadly enemies


of public ownership.


Who are behind Cryer? Dr. Haynes and Mullhol-


land and Scattergood and Mathews and all the men


who have made public ownership a success in Los


Angeles. Who are behind Judge Bledsoe? The Times,


the Express, the Southern Pacific, the Santa Fe, the


Edison Co., and all the forces of reaction that car-


ried to defeat the Water and Power Act at the polls


in 1922 and 1924-an act sponsored by such public-


spirited citizens as Dr. John R. Haynes, William


Kent and Rudolph Spreckels-a Dill designed ``to


conserve, develop and control the waters of the state


for the use and benefit of the people" and declared


by Gifford Pinchot to be the best public ownership


bill ever drawn.


To defeat this bill the power companies expended


more than $500,000 as their agents admitted when in-


vestigated. Much of this fund found its way into


the pockets of the very men and women who are


now supporting Judge Bledsoe. A bill of particulars


will be furnished on request. Futhermore, the


Chandler syndicate owns 800,000 acres of land in


Mexico, only 160,000 of which is under water now


from the canal which serves Imperial valley leaving


the Colorado three miles this side the Mexican line


and running some 60 miles thro Mexico before re-


entering the United States to serve Imperial Valley


farmers. The Swing-Johnson bill proposes to super-


sede this canal with an all-American canal. The


Chandler interests want water for their 540,000 acres


now arid. We want it for a like area in Imperial


Valley. That's the difference. Ask Judge Bledsoe


about it.


The issue is clear. It means public ownership for


service at cost vs. private ownership for profit at all


the traffic will bear. It means maintaining the prin-


ciple of public ownership or yielding it up to the


plunderbund. The former means Cryer for mayor;


the latter means Bledsoe.


- SR scvereniemshans


The order of Cleveland's Public Safety Direetor


in dispersing a communist meeting last Tuesday


held to protest political persecution of communists in


Poland will be contested by the American Civil Lib-


erties Union which today wired its Cleveland attorn-


eys to act in the matter.


According to the information received by the Civil


Liberties Union the meeting was dispersed by the


police when an attempt was made to take a collec-


tion to defray expenses. The meeting was under the


auspices of a branch of the International Red Aid


which had held a similar meeting the day before but


was unmolested by the police.


"Director


warranted,"


Liberties


Barry's action looks to us wholly un-


Roger N. Baldwin, director of the Civil


Union. States, "The communists had a


legal right to hold this meeting and to take up a


collection, Police interference with the meeting was


apparently based on some regulation concerning the


public collection of funds, So far as we know this is


the first radical meeting broken up on such a pre-


text, Whether or not we shall take the matter into


the courts depends upon advice from our Cleve-


land attorneys."


Federated Press


hail its hin whibed e ind " a opera


TO WHOM SHALL WE GO?


By R. W.


It is known to all who are familiar with the stofy


of the American Revolution that Thomas Paine be-


gan his famous series of articles, published under the


title, "The Crisis" with the phrase which became


proverbial, "These are the times that try men's


souls." That was in 1776. Six years later, when


he published the last of the series, he wrote, "7'he


limes that try men's souls are over." How could


he have believed it then? How much less would he


voice such shallow optimism today?


"To whom shall we go?" in the more critical and


more troublous times that are upon us now? Shall


we hark back to our American Revolutionary fath-


ers? And if we do what is the word they have to


say; is it that of the "patriots" or the "rebels" of


our time? Or shall we hie us to the politicians for


counsel and guidance, those who made "manhood


suffrage' their slogan and believed apparently that


the people needed but the ballot in order to settle


all our social problems satisfactorily? - Shall we


"appeal to reason," as even the radicals of a quarter


of a century ago professed to do in strong confidence


that the people only needed to be told the truth in


order to follow it? Or shall we put our trust in


Minltoy and saliriism, `and `heroism'? Or; as


some would have us do, shall we trust that the


strong men of our civilization, our financial over-


lords, will themselves grant the people the relief


that must come to them, and will lead the way into


the better social order that is to be? "To whom shall


we go?" That is the question many earnest folks


are asking most eagerly just now, as they seek for


some way out of the present world mess.


The papers which follow, compact as they are,


cover the main lines of my thinking on these lines


in recent years, thinking which [I have tried to set


out more for the stimulus of other men's thought


than for the insistence upon my own reasoning and


solution, All that is asked for them is a very care-


ful reading, and a willingness to face the issues which


are discussed here without any of that hysteria


which commonly takes the place of reasoning when


we are dealing with social situations in America,


and, if possible, with a fair measure of freedom from


committment to this or that party program or pan-


acea. The first thing that is required of all of us


is that we shall face the facts as courageously and


candidly aS we may.


R. W.


The Appeal To Revolution


It is curious how timid Americans are about the


use of that word, revolution. One might easily imagine


that they had never heard the word until now, and


had never had any experience of the thing itself.


Yet we have talked and written for generations


about the American revolution as if it were the


biggest thing that ever happened. We are immensely


proud of "the revolutionary fathers,' and commonly


capitalize every word of it, that their honor may have


its full importance. And the utmost of American


respectability and the guarantee of American cou-


servatism is to be one of "The Sons of The American


Revolution," or to belong to that other inner frater-


nity of American worthies, the "D.A.R." that is, the


"Daughters of the American Revolution."


The Declaration of Independence affirms plainly or


quite definitely implies these four things, which are


therefore entitled to be regarded as good 100 per cent


American doctrine. (1) The right of revolution.


(2) The right of violent revolution. (3) The right


of such revolution ``"whenever' government fails to


accomplish its true ends, if remedy is not otherwise


to be had. (4) The "whenever" of such failure to be


measured not by political or institutional standards,


but by the issue as to whether government does actu-


ally promote the security, the prosperity, and the


happiness of the people. In other words govern-


ments are to be tried out not by the form they hap-


pen to take, whether monarchy, oligarchy, republi-


canism, or democracy, but on vital and economic


grounds, do they supply the common people with the


reasonable comforts of everyday life? If they do


not, and there is no other effective way of being rid


of them, the people have the right to repudiate them,


and if need be to put them away, even by force.


In his First Inaugural Address Abraham Lincoln


re-afirmed this right of the people to "alter or


abolish" their government when it fails to meet the


real ends for which governments ought to exist, the


actual everyday welfare of the people. Lincoln also


contemplated the possibility of violence having to be


used, and did not shrink from it. Woodrow Wilson,


sixty years later, in quite unequivocal terms main-


tained the same right of revolution, and admitted


that our historic origins make it impossible for us


to deny that right. If this is not good American


doctrine there is no doctrine which can bring to its


suport better endorsement, or more of justification in


the actual conduct of American affairs in the great


crises of our national life.


But, it will be said, the right of revolution is only


a majority right. And where the ballot prevails gov-


ernment can be altered or abolished in that way, and


no other way belongs to the people until they have


exhausted that appeal.


Well, let us see whether these positions, reasonable


as they seem, are actually in accord with the facts.


The American people of 1776 were certainly not a


majority within the government of which they were


a part. "Each of the American colonies was at that


time under the government of Great Britain, and so


acknowledged its loyalty to the English throne. The


revolt that was carried out successfully was a minor-


ity movement if we have regard to the subjects of


that throne as a whole.


Moreover it is altogether likely that they were a


minority in the colonies themselves when the revolt


against Britain began. It is a matter of history that


there were at one time twenty five thousand Ameri-


can colonists fighting under the English colors


against the revolt, and that the total of those who


thus fought to put down the revolt was greater than


the total number of Americans that George Wash-


ington ever had under his command at any one time.


The war was really a civil war. The conservatives


on this side of the sea were not for the American rev-


ultion, and the progressives on the other side of the


sea were for it. One Hundred Thousand Americans


left the United States, that is the territory after-


wards organized as such, and made new homes in


Canada and elsewhere under the British flag, rather


than submit to the new government which was born


of the revolution. It is open to question whether


at any time previous to the actual declaration of


independence a majority of the colonists would have


supported independence if the matter had been sub-


mitted to a referendum. But the right of the colo-


nists to be free did not depend upon a majority vote.


Certainly the right of Massachusetts to be free did


not depend upon whether a majority in South Caro-


lina would have sustained that right.


But suppose we come closer to our own times, and '


test the issue as to whether actual human rights de-


pend upon the consent of a legal majority in every


case. The black slaves were not a majority at any


time previous to 1860 in the United States as a whole.


In some states, as in South Carolina, they were


in the majority; in Kentucky they were not. Was


their right to freedom any less in Kentucky than it


was in South Carolina? Was it any less in the


Union as a whole than it was in the blackest belt of


the south? Had John Brown succeeded in leading a


thousand, or ten thousand out to freedom would their


right to freedom have been any the less than that


of ten times or a hundred times that number? Are


human rights majority rights, after all?


However the blacks did not have the ballot. Well,


suppose the ballot had been their's. Would it have


been incumbent upon them to wait for their rights


until a majority of all the voters in the United States,


black and white, had granted them freedom through


the ballot? Or even until a majority of the blacks


themselves had been converted to such an exercise of


their franchise? Would there have been no right of


revolt on' the side of freedom until the majority had


effected political organization and exercised political


action so as to command that result? And let us


go one step farther. What if they had waited until


they had the majority, had voted so, and a white


fascisti had refused them freedom then? What then?


But what about the ballot?


===,


Gallagher Goes Free |


Attorney Leo Gallagher who was arrested in the


police raid upon the open air meetings at the Dlazg


on Washington's birthday was released by Judge


Pope from all proceedings against him when hig Cage


came up before that judge on April 22nd. A pre.


vious trial before a jury, on April 6, had resulted


in a disagreement of the jury, some of them appar.


ently being carried away by the utterly Outragenys


attack of the Prosecuting Attorney upon Mr. Gallo.


gher and the American Civil Liberties' Union, which


the prosecutor insisted upon dragging into the cage,


It is an easy thing these days to wave the red flag


in front of a jury in any case where radicals oy


their friends are involved, and so to stampede their


judgment as to incline the weak-minded among then


to a verdict of guilty whether there is any evidence


to support such a verdict or not. Judge Pope dig.


missed the case after hearing the two chief Witnesses


for the prosecution, without waiting for further testi.


mony, or calling any witnesses for the defense,


Back of this prosecution of Attorney Gallagher


there is an issue of more than incidental and Der:


sonal importance. We recited recently in these C0!:


umns several instances in which attorneys have


been disbarred from further practice in United States


courts because they have been fair enough and


brave enough to dare defend radicals who were on


trial under extreme class-war laws. The most COn


Spicuous instance is that of Attorney Elmer Smith, of


Centralia, Washington, who has suffered this in-


justice at the hands of the legal higher-ups because


he has stood in the way of the higher-ups of the


lumber trust. A similar animus has been manifest


in the attacks upon Attorney Gallagher, who has


been twice arrested now under circumstances that


gave not the slightest justification for such arrest


merely because his courageous and unselfish service


to working-class men who were unwarrantably seized


upon by the police has stood in the way of such


official tyranny being recognized with conviction


in the courts. For similar reasons Roger Baldwin


of New York was arrested by the police of Patter


son, New Jersey, and convicted before a Patterson


judge who has sentenced him to six months in jail,


although Baldwin's only real offense was that he had


dared to defend striking workingmen in the exercise


of their legal rights of assemblage and free speech.


This also is the reason why prosecuting attorneys


are allowed to villify the American Civil Liberties'


Union before California juries, not. because the


American Civil Liberties' Union sponsors radicalism,


as such, for it does not, but because it insists upon


a fair deal for the radical and everybody else. The


dismissal of the case against Attorney Gallagher is


a very welcome emphasis of the fact that there isa


limit to the extent to which our courts can be used


for punishing men who still own their own souls,


and dare speak up for the rights of their fellows


under the most adverse circumstances.


ee ee


ABOUT ROGER BALDWIN


Endorsement of the action taken by Roger N.


Baldwin in the Paterson silk strike last October re


sulting in his sentence of six months for "unlawiul


assembly." and a statement to the effect that "Judge


Deianey convicted the entire American Civil Liber -


ties Union when he sentenced its director," was made


today by John Haynes Holmes on behalf of the Ex


ecutive Committee of the Union.


The statement, which is being sent to the membels


of the Civil Liberties Union, was made by Joli


Haynes Holmes, chairman, Dr, Henry Linville, Wo!


COLULE sPitkiny Be awe Huebsch, Joseph Schlossbers,


Norman Thomas, Robert Morss Lovett, Arthur Gar


field Hays, James Weldon Johnson and John Nevil


Sayre.


"Mr. Baldwin took full responsibility for arrangile


the meeting as our representative," the Union's state


ment declares. "The executive committee authorized


and endorsed what he did and it is therefore the


Civil Liberties Union which was on trial. It is WU


fortunate that we all could not have been tried with


him, and if he has to serve sentence that we all cal


not go to jail too.


"We hope, however, to get a ruling from the Su


reme Court of New Jersey which will settle once am!


for all the issue of police rule in Paterson which '


raised every time there is an industrial strugel


there. Paterson is almost unique among industrial


communities in this form of police dictatorshiP,


backed up by the local officials and the courts. W(R)


regard ourselves as commissioned to stop it, if we


can, and we propose to fight this case with that el)


in view." fs


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SAY SO


We want letters.


Lots of them.


From lots of people.


On lots of subjects.


BUT NOT LOTS OF WORDS.


Make them "Century Letters,"


that is letters of not more than


One Hundred words.


Write on subjects of general


interest.


Typewrite your letters,


if possible. If you are


interested in anything worth-


while, say so. But say it in


as few sentences as you can.


Sign your name. It will not be


used if you do not wish it


published, provided you say so. j


Let's make "SAY SO" the best


page of this paper. Mind you,


| be brief. And again, BE BRIEF.


oO:


A GALAXY OF LETTERS


By Ke GiG;


* * *


Altadena Dec, 13-(To the Editor of the Times):


In your editorial today in regard to Gloria Gould's


indictment of modern society and its foolish foibles


you justify its existence because once in a while it


dances for charity, that the poor Orphans may have


a Christmas dinner and that it also knits sox and


.sweaters for the soldiers. Surely it is a terrible in-


dictment of our present social system that the poor


victims of it should be dependent on such a pre-


carious method for their daily bread.


The State takes our money and squanders it in de-


vious ways-even to the extent of 93 per cent in


recent years- without our consent. The preserva-


tion of the human being is the least of its concern,


although Aristotle said over 2000 years ago that the


function of government is to see first that men live


and, second, that men live well-free from worry.


It can be done, why not try?


If, as you say, working women go to the movies


to see the "simulacra of society and its palatial set-


tings," are they helped or made happy by such ex-


hibitions of the vulgar rich? Noi noteatall: 21cent


seems only to make them envious and discontented;


or more probably disgusted. At least it will set them


to wondering why it is that there are such discrep-


ancies in life and where it comes from and if "God


'8 in His heaven," what is the matter with the world,


that the wicked and unscrupulous succeed and the


s00d and the faithful remain forever on the ground


floor of life.


So I consider your reasoning false and your just-


ification of the present social order a great delusion.


* * * *


April 12, 1925.


American Catholic Weekly,


New York City, New York.


Dear Sirg:


ara think that it is "weak minded and immoral'


to bring unwanted children into this `vale of


t "


ae and that the Catholic church cannot interfere


With "natural law."


Natural law ig indifferent to human welfare so it


are i human beings to do every thing in their


advanta Manage these natural laws to the greatest


ee a Ay the human race. If a human being


all the ee but the church says women must have


of Ginih he the Lord sends, it is nothing short


the "line: to bring them into the world to endure


88 and arrows of outrageous fortune."


Can you ex


"ouraging on}


wh


ig


Plain the object of the church in en-


at life m vy Rumbers regardless of conditions or


ing a aa It is a serious business, this creat-


before i Soul-and woman should consider long


` Ting a soul into the world to face life as


it ig toda


y, and . i


interfere the state or church has no right to


TO CERTAIN COLLECTORS OF FUNDS FOR


ORPHANS HOMES


Pasadena, Oalif.


April 14, 1925


- I feel that my refusal to contribute to the Orphans


Home needs an explanation, so I will enclose a


clipping of a letter that I wrote recently along those


lines.


In the first place, the State takes our money in


taxes and squanders as high as 85% for destructive


purposes. We should insist that these figures be


reversed (15% would be quite enough for destruc-


tion) and begin to build up a society founded on


justice and not on charity. Children, and all the


handicapped, must be taken care of by the State, and


not left to the whims of a few.


The method we use for raising money by all the


different drives is not the right way. It may be one


way of getting indifferent people to think of the


other fellow, but it is too precarious; human wel-


fare must rest on firmer foundations. In the mean-


time, I am glad to see you young society people tak-


ing an interest in your less fortunate brothers and


sisters; but I hope the day will come when you will


take up the fight for fundamental justice in earnest,


and never be satisfied with palliatives.


I dare say you will find plenty of charitable peo-


ple in Pasadena, and will raise your fund easily


where there are so many palaces for God and hovels


for human beings. Surely there will be just as


many who will want food, clothes, and shelter for


children; but as long as we have child slavery, un-


employment, political prisoners, unjust laws, war,


poverty in a land bursting with abundance my sur-


plus must go to help correct these fundamental evils,


and bring about the abolition of their causes.


% * * *


It is with feelings of sorrow and unspeakable bit-


terness of soul that I record my impressions of my


visit yesterday to our City Council and Board of


Supervisors, in company with Mads Howe and others,


in behalf of 55,000 unemployed. We had to wait


and wait and he shunted from one commission to


another while they talked and talked about repair-


ing roads and bridges and even vaccinating dogs,


but the woes of human beings were the very least


"business" they cared to consider. Why should these


disturbing conditions be brought to the notice of


the dispensers of our taxes? Did they ever hear that


the business of government is to see that all is


well with the governed?


Considering our widespread and much vaunted


progress of civilization and brotherhood of mankind,


why is this greatest of all problems left unsolved?


Where is the religious sentiment supposed to be


housed in our hosts of new churches? Truly life


itself no longer counts in the economy of nations.


Let us have big expensive churches to be used four


or six hours out of 168, while the son of man sleeps


on newspapers in the Midnight Mission; and no one


knows a remedy for this horror!


Sunday I heard Clinton N. Howard, Chairman of


the World Peace Commission, use more words against


war than I ever heard propounded by the most ard-


ent war resister, but he spoiled it all by admitting


the right of the state to take the only son of a widow


and drive her to death in an insane asylum!


Monday I heard Judge Bledsoe speak of uphold-


ing the "Majesty of the Law." So far as I have been


able to witness its workings in Los Angeles, and even


in his own court, I could find nothing majestic about


it; in fact instead of being inspired by any majesty


in its performance, I am incensed to the very roots


of my being. We cannot respect anything or any


person that does not merit respect,-not even our


country, not even our government, not even our


flag, when it stands for war, imperialism, or in-


justice.


oH.


About Prohibition


To the Editor of the Open Forum:


In reply to Upton Sinclair, in issue of April 11:


Because the use of alcohol sometimes (not ``often'')


"makes the individual a dangerous criminal or luna-


tic" is not a valid reason for depriving a whole nation


of the liberty to drink what it likes. It should be


safer, saner, cheaper to restrain the criminals and


lunatics.


Are we true friends of the working classes if we


exult over their being prevented from getting some-


thing they want, the value of which to them is for


them alone to appraise? Freedom of the individual


to select his diet at his own cost is more important


than saving a few morons from their appetites; and


the crimes that were due to alcoholism in pre-prohi-


bition days would be a small price to pay now for


freedom from the espionage, assault and invasion of |


the dry agents. Moreover we still have the crimes!


It should be pointed out that to say that "society


has the same right to prohibit the use of alcohol


as it has to prohibit burglary" is virtually to admit


the right of society to prohibit the carrying of I. W.


W. cards. .


The future generations that alcohol may now be


destroying can well be spared. Those that survive


its ravages will be all the more virile.


Finally, I do not think that we are true internation-


alists if we desire this nation to "win out" over


other nations.


Clarence Lee Swartz.


iH


100 per cent American and


1000 per cent Human


Los Angeles, Calif.


. April 20, 1925.


The Open Forum:


I had a friend, who upon the appearance in the


U. S. of the phrase "One hundred per cent Ameri-


can," at once said, "Nationalism is the devil."


He meant: the devil would be to pay if Interna-


tionalism, now in process of practical growth, should


be assailed by an American political party.


In face of the recorded history of the U. S., it seems


incredible that any such fatuous backward movement


could be set on foot!


The Declaration of Independence, as out of a clear


sky, was notification to the world of the arrival of


an one hundred per cent political America; with the


implication that all other peoples should prepare to


do likewise. That this invitation was involved in the


Declaration of the American Fathers is proved by the


instantaneous response it met from around the World.


The conscious seeds had been planted of a confrater-


nity of free nations. Inevitably the leaven worked.


Five generations later it had reached maturity,


when in the World War appeared the Wilson Four-


teen Points. Instantly again came the World re-


sponse. Countries and cities renamed streets and


buildings after the formulator of the far-reaching


World utterance.


At Versailles, not great enough to carry to em-


bodiment his World-acclaimed principles, the World


was left to fall back into the shallows of the old


divisive politics.


But the declaration of 1776 had taken a hand-grip


upon World democracy, supplemented in the Fourteen


Points.


Let the student of modern U. S. and World facts


not turn tail or take cover under a sorry Shiboleth


of "one hundred per cent American", that would think


to defeat the aim of the Fathers toward the World


end and aim.


Face to face, toe to toe, the little American must be


met with the World human goal.


FRED K. GILLETTE.


FH -_____-_


Sold !


Editor, Open Forum:


A few years ago, during the Harding regime, the


Congress refused to allow the Government to sub-


sidize American shipping companies, and the Liber-


als and Progressives rejoiced. It was a victory for


the people; people's money should not be turned


over to private corporations.


Now we hear that the U. S. Shipping Board "sold"


to the Robert Dollar Company seven great liners,


each costing the tax-payers over $7,000,000, for less


than $6,000,000. In other words, it sold them one


ship at the loss of over $1,000,000 and threw in the


other six for good measure.


It wouldn't surprise me at all if I'd read tomorrow


morning that they had sold the Capitol and White


House.


L.A.


wp


Boston University objects to being called a "Babbitt


University" and won't let its reserve officers training


corps be attacked in the school paper The Bean Pot.


Consequently, Henriette Perkins, editor, finds that


freedom of the press is not in her school and is


removed from office.


SSS 7th 550 coe eee


THE OPEN FORUM


Published every Saturday at 506 Tajo Building,


First and Broadway


Los Angeles, California, by The Southern California


Branch of The American Civil Liberties Union.


Phone: TUcker 6836.


MANAGING EDITORS


Robert Whitaker Clinton J. Taft "


LITERARY EDITOR


Esther Yarnell


CONTRIBUTING EDITORS


J H. Ryckman


Doremus Scudder


Ethelwyn Mills


Upton Sinclair Kate Crane Gartz


Fanny Bixby Spencer


Leo Gallagher


Subscription Rates-One Dollar a Year, Five Cents


per Copy. In bundles of ten or more to one address,


Two Cents Each.


Advertising Rates on Request.


Entered as second-class matter Dec. 13, 1924, at


the post office at Los Angeles, California, under the


Act of March 3, 1879.


SATURDAY, MAY 2, 1925


COMING EVENTS


KOK KR OR Kk wo


Los Angeles Open Forum, Music-Art Hall. 233


South Broadway, Sunday evening at 7-30 o'clock.


es


EVERY SATURDAY NIGHT-OPEN DISCUSSION


At Eight O'clock


A Free Education is Offered at


' EDUCATIONAL CENTER


By Industrial Workers of the World


INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD


224 South Spring Street, Room 218


a


`Free Workers Forum meets Monday Nights at


8:15 o'clock at 420 N. Soto St., (one block north of


Brooklyn Ave.).


----r------_


I.-B. W. A. FORUM


At the Brotherhood Hall, 508 Hast 5th St.


Sunday Afternoon Meeting 2:30 P.M.


All are Invited to Attend


John X. Kelly and J. HKads How, Committee


fo


PROLETARIAN FORUM


Every Sunday at 8 P. M.


ODD FELLOWS HALL


220% South Main Street


Questions and Discussion Freely Invited


Admission Free


a aa


Cantrell Will Speak


EK. A. Cantrell, the well-known lecturer, will speak


for the Pasadena Open Forum, in Carpenter's Hall,


Pasadena, on Friday evening, May 1, 1925, at 8 p. m.


Subject-``Radical America."


An Appreciation


The success which is attending the publication of


The Open Forum is a matter of congratulation to its


well-wishers,


How prompt its appearance every Friday morn-


ing! How pithy and pungent the meat it serves its


hungry readers! What a wealth of friends it has, as


indicated by the variety contributing to its peppy


columns. Not only that but notice who they are!


Long life and a bright future to these emissaries of


a better day! Yes, indeed! So say we all but-how


about sending in a bunch of subscriptions or a newsy


little ad? Such encouragements are invaluable and


never forgotton by earnest, over-worked men like our


two faithful editors. Let's really show them how


much we care! Remember it costs only a dollar.


MARY A. HATCH.


FH -


There is a kind of "good" which is the worst ene-


my of the best.


But He Wont


It seems a shame that there will never be


anything done with former Secretary Fall or


any of the other highbinders who gyped the


government in the oil deal. It has been an-


nounced that Fall will refuse to testify at the


hearing of the Teapot Dome case next week


in Cheyenne on the ground that his own testi-


mony may incriminate him.


, Of course, there is no use getting overly ex-


cited over this little steal in which Fall secured


but $100,000, a ridiculously low price, in my


opinion, for what he did. During the Wilson


administration the war grafters looted the coun-


try of millions and millions and no one thought


anything about it. Then along came this gang


of simple souls and got sums ranging from $100,-


000 to half a million, and the country became


greatly agitated.


If I were only a state legislator I wouldn't sell


out at the price some of these fellows did. There


is no use being a crook unless you are going


to be a good one. No one has any respect for


a petty thief, while a high-powered million-dol-


lar looter is the subject of envious eyes.


But in my belief, regardless of the sums Sse-


cured, there will never be any convictions and


the government won't get back any of its oil


leases. Had Fall stolen $10 there might have


- been a chance of convicting him, but under


the present charge he hasn't as much of a


chance of going to jail as I have.


On second thought, taking this comparison


into consideration, perhaps he will go to jail.


-Douglas Churchill in Daily News.


What Ails The World


"What ails the world mainly, at least in the


political sense, is that its governments are too


strong," declares H. L. Mencken, in an editorial in


the current issue of "The American Mercury." "The


American people profess to esteem liberty very high-


ly. They believe that the republic was actually


founded for the sole purpose of giving it to them.


Yet it must be obvious that their hold upon it is


always precarious, and that their government tries


to take it away from them whenever possible-


not completely, perhaps, but always substantially.


`Tg it a fact of no significance that robbing the


government is everywhere regarded as a crime of


less magnitude than robbing an individual, or even


a corporation? When a private citizen is robbed


a worthy man is deprived of the fruits of his in-


dustry and thrift; when the government is robbed


the worst that happens is that certain rogues and


loafers have less money to play with than they had


before.


"The average man, when he pays taxes, certainly


does not believe that he is making a prudent and


productive investment of his money; on the contrary,


he feels that he is being mulcted in an excessive


amount for services that, in the main, are useless


to him, and that, in substantial part, are downright


inimical to him.


"Two gangs thus stand confronted; on the one


hand the gang of drones and exploiters constituting


the government, and on the other hand the body of


prehensile and enterprising citizens.


"The difference between the two gangs-of profes-


sionals and of amateurs-is that the former has law


on its side, and so enjoys an unfair advantage. The


government gang is well nigh immune to punish-


ment. : :


"Government, today, is growing too strong to be


safe. There are no longer any citizens in the world;


there are only subjects."


2


The steel trust and its walled feudal domain: at


Gary is described in the leading article in The In-


dustrial Pioneer for April, published at 1001 W. Mad-


ison St., Chicago. The author is John A. Gahan, who


contributed a brief account of the slave conditions


in Gary to The Federated Press several weeks ago.


Federated Press.


"Beauty And The Bolshevik,' which could not be


given when announced before, will be given at the


Co-operative Center, 2706 Brooklyn Ave., `Sunday,


May 38rd to Friday May 8th. Six Nights-Time, 7:30


p.m.-Admission, 35c; Children, 20c.


Los Angeles


OPEN FORUM


MUSIC ART HALL


233 South Broadway


SUNDAY NIGHTS, 7-30 O'CLOCK


Program for May


May 3-"CREATIVE CONDUCT AND LIFR, by


JAMES FISHER, former San Francisco editor, j,


has been a close student of affairs and may he y


pended upon to give a vigorous, interesting addrey


Music by SAMUEL JELIKOVSKY, tenor, and Mr


S. MIDDLEMAN, violinist.


May 10-DEBATE on the question, "RESOLYq)


THAT CONGRESS BY A TWO-THIRDS. yor


SHOULD HAVE POWER TO REENACT Lay


MAKING VALID ACTS DECLARED. UNCONST,


TUTIONAL BY THE SUPREME COURT." Affirm,


tive, University of Redlands, Mr. Andrus,. Mr. Orto,


Negative, University of Southern California, Mr. No


Lewis, Mr. William Barber, both students of th


University of Southern California, who have returnej


from an extensive trip among the colleges debating


this question. Music by HOWARD GRIFFIN, violip.


ist, accompanied by MISS CLAUDE WILLIAMS


the piano.


May 17-"THE ECONOMIC FOUNDATIONS OF TH


MODERN ECONOMIC WORLD" by EDWARD CAN?


RELL. Our audience is well acquainted with thy


lecturer who has twice before appeared on the Foru


platform. He knows how to handle his subject wel,


Music by J. M. FIX, a violinist of the old schoo


He made his own instrument and will play pie


that were popular a hundred years ago.


May 24-"FREUD AND' PSYCHOANALYSIS" by


PROF. ARTHUR BRIGGS of the Los Angeles Lay


School. Everyone should be familiar with the Freut.


ian philosophy whether he takes any stock in it o


not. Dean Briggs is ably qualified to make this,


most interesting evening.


COHN, phenomenal boy pianist.


May 31-"THE PRICE OF LIBERTY" by ROBERT


WHITAKER." During the days when America wa


carried away with the World War there was muti


talk of liberty, from "Liberty Bonds" to "Liberty


Steaks." Of recent years liberty and democrat


both seem to be at a discount. What is liberty'


What is the movement of the world today, towail


liberty, or away from it? Are we ever going ti


get liberty, and when, and how? All who know I


Whitaker know that what he has to say on thes


lines will be outright, and interesting. Nobody i


asked to agree with him, but everybody is welcome


to hear him.


EXPIRATION NOTICE


Dear Friend: If you find this paragraph encircle


with a blue pencil mark it means that your sil:


scription to "The Open Forum" expires next week


We hope that you have found it indispensable, ant


will therefore immediately fill out the blank belov


`and send it in to us, together with the money fi!


the continuance of your subscription,


Bnelosed* find: $00" 1 ae for which continue 1)


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